Yasukuni Shrine (靖国神社) has been a touchy subject between Japan, China, and South Korea the last few years. In case you didn’t know, it’s a shrine honoring Japanese who died during the Pacific conflict, among them a group of convicted Class-A war criminals and leaders of the war (and quite a few of lesser status). The point of the shrine is to honor Japanese wartime dead; I personally believe that denouncing the shrine’s existence is an affront to the decendants of two million other people spiritually laid to peace there. Nevertheless, the temple is surrounded by a maelstrom of controversy. (By the way, when I say Korea for the rest of this entry, I mean South. I hope I do, anyway.)
Over the years of standing as Prime Minister, Koizumi managed to unapologetically visit the shrine every year, including the one in which he (was) retired. And not just Koizumi; since the shrine’s revisionist outlook on the wartime dead was created, every official’s visit to the shrine is marked by fiery response both domestically and abroad, whether they visited as individuals or as officials. Emperor Hirohito and his son have made it a habit not to as Emperor, but I assure you, if anyone who sits on Chrysanthemum Throne sets foot in that place some people in Korea and China will like, seriously explode or something.
That’s why attempts to mend relations between the countries always make the news these days, I guess (link). Despite their very nice economic relationships and cultural exchange, there’s a good amount of historical enmity built up between the countries dating back to World War II and Japanese atrocities committed then. Yasukuni’s views, criticized as revisionist, really just mess this up further. Abe, the new prime minister, may be trying to push policy-making a more positive direction, but it really seems that Japan’s political leaders have little invested in relationships with their neighbors. I’m of the opinion that making the general populace of your closest neighbors hate your country isn’t a good idea. Japan’s attitude toward Korea isn’t good foreign policy, but China of all countries? It’s like throwing large rocks at the neighbor’s oversized doberman when it’s chained up and hoping you’re never outside when it isn’t nailed to the grass by sturdy metal links.
Why do Japan’s leaders want to antagonize an emerging military and economic superpower that could feasibly pose a serious challenge to the U.S.’s dominance in the Pacific in the next century? (Admittedly there’s as much going against a China superpower as there against it, but that’s a really big risk to take when your borders are only separated by a couple hundred miles of blue water.)
In my opinion, Japan’s leaders are relying on two things when the do things like this, One would obviously be their economic weight in the region, as said earlier. China’s largest trading partner is Japan. East Asia lags behind Japan economically, and I would venture that for any of the developing Pacific Rim countries to negotiate with established world powers on equal grounds, economic cooperation from Japan is an unwritten prerequisite. China is already a United Nations voting member, but the same applies on a technological and economic level. Japan’s brute economic power, second only to the U.S.’s, gives them leverage that China cannot afford to lose, especially in a period where they are so reliant on their investors.
The second is military. But not Japan’s military! The U.S. has a lot of interest in its power projection in the Pacific Rim, and its fleets float around in the international waters regularly. This strange relationship between Japan and the U.S. – one gets military leverage (or rather, immunity against it) without a true military and the massive budget it implies, and the other gets its power projection – is infinitely self-sustaining and provides both with highly desirable benefits. As a result, Japan has, for the last half-century, been an impossibly hard target that not even, for the sake of example, China’s enormous PLA can target because of the implications of such an attack would be synonymous with attacking American military bases.
With both military and economic invulnerability, it’s “okay” that Koizumi (or any other of Japan’s leaders) assume unrepentant stances against neighbors. At this point, they can afford to not care, even if it drives anti-Japanese sentiment through the roof abroad. This, I think, will come back to bite them in the ass later. Painfully.
Which brings me to the second idea (I’m sure you are wondering why “U.S. interests” was in the title by now; well, here we go.) In a way, the U.S.’s power projection into the Pacific Rim requires that this sort of antagonism exist between the countries it supports and the countries it doesn’t. Well, that’s a bit backwards, but imagine an Asian alliance between Korea, China, and Japan (AKA, the Pentagon’s worst nightmare); loss of this tension voids many of the natural reasons for American military forces to be stationed within their borders.
I wrote a paper during Kansai that attempting to say (to probably varying degrees of success) that the same deal goes with the power struggle over the Taiwanese Strait. The Taiwanese don’t want to accept inclusion into the mainland, but they’re also wary of moving from a de facto independence because of their economic dependence and the hulking military shadow of its neighbor. China “allowing” Taiwanese independence would really screw things up for U.S. presence there, because the conflict is the thing that necessitates it.
It’s not really a conspiracy theory; it’s just a practical view of the situation, which I bet was repeated thousands of times over during the Cold War by many other countries. Now, in the present day, East Asia is a politically fractured region, littered with countries that really don’t perfectly get along with its neighbors. Really important countries, next to other really important countries. Thus, when U.S. is given permission to station its fleets and troops near its Asian allies there, providing a military deterrant for any unwelcome overt action, the Pentagon happily obliges, sending carrier battle groups to allow the U.S. to project its military strength all over the basin. However, without this antagonism, and with the unification of the region through some ideological/political/military means, East Asia would have grown into the modern age with almost complete immunity to the intrusion of not just U.S., but Western power as a whole. An solidified East Asia says with one voice that they have no need for our warships in their oceans.
And now we’ve come full circle – the concept of Western immunity was a fundamental reason for the creation of a Japanese Empire, in turn creating the context for the bitter memories of Japanese invasion, oppression, and occupation.
Posted by omoroiyarou
Posted by omoroiyarou